Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138 - 78 BC)
The life of Sulla is one of stark contrast, and yet striking similarities, to those of Marius, and later, Julius Caesar. Thanks to Sulla's own personal memoirs, which have been lost to history, though preserved through the works of others, such as Plutarch and perhaps Appian, we actually know a great deal about him and the time period.
Sulla was cunning and ruthless when necessary, but a brilliant politician and formidable commander as well. While he didn't necessarily begin the "Fall of the Republic", the activities of Sulla were definitely a major contribution.
Sulla was a member of a down and out branch of the patrician Cornelii family. Born into near poverty, compared to other patricians, he spent his youth without hope of restoring the family name. Ancient sources suggest that two timely family inheritances were the catalyst that allowed Sulla to move into politics.
With enough financial security to run for public office, and the fortunate (for him) situations with the Germanic Cimbri and the War with Jugurtha, Sulla was granted an opportunity to alter his course in life. Just as Gaius Marius was coming into power of his own, Sulla broke into Roman politics and was elected Quaestor. His next fortunate break was to serve under Marius in Africa.
During the War with Jugurtha, Sulla gained valuable command skills, despite relatively minor military action. The war under Marius was definitely working in the favor of Rome, but bottling up the elusive Numidian and destroying his army was a near impossible task.
In a brilliant act of diplomacy, Sulla went with authority of Marius to King Bocchus of Mauretania. Bocchus, an ally of Jugurtha, was tiring of the war and was concerned that Rome would eventually win out. Trying to avoid the potential punishment, Sulla was able to convince Bocchus to betray Jugurtha and capture him during a private meeting. The plan worked as suggested, and Sulla soon had custody of the Numidian King, effectively ending the war.
While Marius, who was in command, claimed the bulk of the credit, Sulla would, for many years, claim the victory belonged to him. Whatever else had occurred between the men while on campaign, this incident certainly formed the foundation of a bitter rivalry.
Upon their return to Rome, the next threat facing Rome was migrating Germanic Cimbri and Teutones. Marius took command of one force to stop the Teutones, while Sulla joined Marius' rival Catulus in a force to stop the Cimbri.
All accounts suggest that Sulla was not only invaluable to Catulus, but that he very well may have saved the Legions and turned the tide in Rome's favor. At the Battle of Vercellae in 101 BC, Catulus, with Sulla, defeated the Cimbri and the threat from the Germanics was over.
Marius and Catulus, as co-consuls, were honored with a joint triumph, while Sulla's bitterness grew.
Returning to Rome from the campaign, Sulla was next elected as Praetor Urbanus. While allegations of massive bribery followed him, it didn't stop his political advancement. After his service to Rome, he was appointed as a Propraetor governor of the eastern province of Cilicia.
Sulla Marches on Rome
While Sulla was governing Cilicia, he played a pivotal role in expressing Rome's power to its eastern provinces and rival kingdoms. Much as Marius had done earlier with Mithridates, Sulla's intimidating presence left a lasting impression. Even the powerful Parthian empire sent ambassadors to meet with him.
Sulla certainly made a lasting impression in this first major official contact between Rome and Parthia. Sulla's governorship would be largely uneventful, however, and he returned to Rome just as the political rivalry between Marius and the Senatorial Optimates was heating up.
By 89 BC, the social and political climate with Rome and Italia were at a fever pitch. The Italian allies of Rome, after years of lawful attempts to gain full citizenship, had finally had enough. The murder of their advocate, Drusus, in the Roman Senate, set off an armed conflict which would become known as the Social War. Also known as the Marsic War, as the Marsii tribe led the revolt, many Italian tribes revolted against Roman power in an attempt to either gain citizenship, or set up an exclusive state of their own.
In a war that would last three years, mainly because of political fighting over which factions should have command, Sulla would surpass Marius and become the most prominent general of the time. By the end of the war, Sulla, for all practical purposes, was in overall command of the campaign; and his reward for victory was his election as Consul for 88 BC.
In the heart of the Social War, Mithridates VI of Pontus began stirring up trouble in the east. Looking to expand his own fledgling empire, he was directly responsible for the assassination of political rivals and invasions into neighboring kingdoms.
While Rome protested his actions, there was little that could be done while occupied with the Italians. Mithridates would eventually take control of Asia Minor, Greece, Thrace and part of Macedon while the Romans were forced to wait out there own troubles.
At the close of the Social War, however, the situation came to a head when Mithridates ordered the execution of up to 80,000 Roman citizens in Asia Minor, and as many as 150,000 Latin rights allies. Sulla, as Consul, was appointed to take command of the effort against Mithridates, but Marius and his followers had other plans.
Sulla prepared his legions and began the march from Italy to the east. No sooner was he gone, however, than the aging Marius convinced his tribunal ally Sulpicius Rufus to put the matter of the Mithridatic command to a vote with the citizen assemblies. Still extremely popular with the commoners, Marius' desire to have the command for himself was ratified in the assemblies.
Sulla was never a man to give up without a fight, though, and the ambition of both men would lead to yet more civil strife.
Sulla refused to accept the political coercion of Marius, and consulted with his generals on the feasibility of marching on Rome. While most of his officers resigned, rather than be a part of it, Sulla was undeterred. For the first time in history, a Roman general was about to march on Rome with legions in order to gain political power.
Sulla broke camp and entered Rome in 88 BC. Taking full control, he portrayed himself as the victim of Marius' intrigue against his rightful command, and gave Rome a first glimpse of the future dictatorship of Sulla.
He declared Marius and his followers as outlaws and enemies of the Roman state, although Marius had by this time escaped to Africa. The powers of the Tribunes were reduced, and the Senate's strengthened, in order to protect Roman law from the whims of the common classes.
Many political rivals were hunted down and killed, but there was little time for Sulla to consolidate his power, as Mithridates waited. A new consul, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, was left to govern Rome, and Sulla marched back east.
No sooner had Sulla left, however, than Cinna, through political intrigue of his own, fell into disfavor with the Senate. Banished from Rome, Cinna's only choice to regain his power was to ally with Marius.
With Sulla beyond reach, Marius and Cinna returned to Rome with troops of their own. Returning Sulla's favor, Cinna and Marius took control violently, and the bloodbath of Roman politicians grew. Nothing like it before had ever occurred in Rome, and murder was becoming a telling pattern in Roman politics.
Marius and Cinna forced through their elections as Consuls for 86 BC, but Marius, in his seventh Consulship, died just 17 days into it. Cinna was left to rule Rome ruthlessly, and would continue to rule, in the absence of Sulla, for the next three years.
Sulla, meanwhile, had to allow matters to unfold beyond his control. His primary duty was the defeat of Mithridates and the re-establishment of Roman power in the east. For now, Cinna and the Marian political faction would have to wait, but revenge would prove far deadlier than anything that had come before it.
The Mithridatic War (88 - 85 BC)
Mithridates VI of Pontus came to power in the Hellenized region of Asia Minor circa 121 and 120 BC. Murdering his brother, mother and other potential rivals, he established himself as sole ruler, with intentions of expansion at the expense of Rome.
By the 90's BC, Mithridates took firm control of several neighboring regions to the north, and continued efforts would push him into direct conflict with Rome. The first matter of dispute was with the Roman ally of Bithynia over territory in Phrygia. Next he attempted to take control of Cappadocia, where Sulla had recently placed the Roman client king, Ariobarzanes, on the throne.
A lack of Roman interference on these minor issues probably played a part in pushing Mithridates' agenda farther. By 91 BC, Mithridates supported the overthrow of the Bithynian King Nicomedes, and then influenced local forces to overthrow Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia. Just at the beginning of the Social War in Italy, the Roman Senate responded with a delegation led by Manius Aquillius.
Charged with diplomatically resolving the various regional disputes, Aquillius managed to convince Mithridates, for the time being, to restore his neighbors to their previous situations. Conveniently finding that he wasn't directly involved, Rome left Mithridates with the tag of 'friend of the Roman people.'
Whatever additional discourse was taking place is unclear, however. In the heat of the social war, Rome was unable to interfere directly with military force, and it seems that Aquillius convinced Nicomedes to wage war on Pontus. While it was likely a combination of personal greed and some concept of assessing Mithridates' strength, both Aquillius and Nicomedes were soon surprised to learn that this strength was formidable indeed.
Mithridates' original attempt to negotiate with diplomacy ended in rebuttal by Aquillius and he had little choice but to respond. In 90 BC, Mithridates invaded Cappadocia, and the minor regional dispute was quickly turning into a full scale war. With little military strength to work with, three small and separate forces were utterly destroyed by Mithridates. All resistance to the Pontic army collapsed, and it swept into Asia Minor and neighboring territories.
In a very short time, Mithridates expelled what small Roman forces were available, taking control of Asia Minor, Bithynia, Cappadocia, the Bosporus and the Black Sea. Much like Hannibal's attempts earlier in Italy during The Punic Wars, Mithridates encouraged the locals to join with him, but with far greater success.
Aquillius himself was captured in Mitylene while fleeing to Rhodes. As punishment for Roman excess, and a recurring event in ancient written history which is probably simply intended to symbolize and emphasise greed, he was supposedly executed by pouring molten gold down his throat.
At this point, despite not actually facing any real Roman legions, Mithridates felt confident in his ability to beat Rome. 88 BC was a major offensive which saw the invasions of Rhodes and Greece. While attacks on Rhodes were unsuccessful, Mithridates' general, Archelaus, had more success in his attack on the Greek mainland.
After first securing Athens, much of southern Greece was brought under Pontic control within a short time, with the local populations initally happy to be outside of Roman influence. In Central Greece, Mithridates met some resistance from Quintus Braettius Sura, whose legion guarded Macedonia from the Illyrian tribes, stopping an invasion of the central regions and leading to an encounter with Archelaus in a battle at Chaeronea. A moderate victory sent Archelaus back to Athens for the winter, but reinforcements strengthened his position and prevented follow-up by Sura.
Meanwhile, Mithridates laid out a plan to ensure the loyalty of his newly-won regional allies. He issued a proclamation ordering the massacre of all resident Romans in Asia Minor and the surrounding area. All in all, up to 80,000 Roman citizens were slaughtered. While certainly drawing Rome's wrath, Mithridates forced the loyalty of these new conquests by ensuring they wouldn't be eager to face Roman vengeance.
By 87 BC, Sulla, having been appointed to Consular command of the expedition, only to have it taken away by Marius, and then reaffirmed by marching on Rome, was ready to face Mithridates. While Sulla was gathering strength on his move, the Macedonian governor Sentius recalled Sura to grant Sulla full control of the campaign.
Conveniently, Mithridates launched an attack on Macedonia that was repulsed due to Sura's timely recall. With five legions and whatever local forces he could muster, Sulla was now in complete command and able to fully concentrate on re-establishing control of the region from the Mithridatic forces.
Sulla's Offensive
Sulla's initial goal was the immediate conquest of Mithridates' strongholds in Greece. Athens and its main port, the Piraeus, were the obvious targets, and Sulla ordered a direct assault. Defended by Archelaus, the plan was nearly a disaster, as the walled port was in an excellent defensive position with access to reinforcements by sea. Sulla was forced to withdraw in order to secure local funding and prepare proper siege equipment.
The entire campaign year of 87 BC was spent in siege of both Athens and Piraeus, with little success. By the winter, Sulla abandoned his plan on the Piraeus while keeping the siege of Athens intact. A chief legate, Lucullus, was sent abroad to Egypt and Syria in order to arrange for a fleet, with the hopes that naval operations could stave off re-supply and reinforcement.
By Spring of 86 BC, however, the tide turned for Sulla, despite the absence of Lucullus and his fleet. Athens finally surrendered and the town was sacked. The assault on the Piraeus was continued, but Archelaus sensed the situation to be untenable and finally decided to withdraw. The Piraeus was burned upon its capture, but without a fleet to block access to the sea, Archelaus' army was able to get away unharmed.
Archelaus continued on to Macedonia, where a new Mithridatic army had recently invaded and taken control from the Romans. He joined with, and assumed command of, this newer force, which was nearly triple the size of Sulla's available manpower. With renewed confidence, Archelaus moved south once again into Greece to face Sulla.
The two armies would meet at the town of Chaeronea in Boeotia. Marching south from Thessaly, Archelaus - an able commander - positioned himself on high ground, and in a position to cut off Sulla's route of supply and escape.
Sulla was forced to give battle in a greatly outnumbered situation. Under a full assault, Sulla's veterans managed to hold under the pressure. Sulla proved his military brilliance by personally ordering the movement of troops to key positions throughout the battle. Shoring up weakening lines and exploiting advantages left by the enemy, the Romans managed to persevere.
Eventually, Archelaus' own flank broke, and what seemed to initially be an excellent opportunity for him turned into a full scale rout of his army. He managed to escape with about 10,000 men, but his losses were far greater. Hailed as imperator by his men (a requirement for a triumph) Sulla was left, at least temporarily, in complete control of Greece.
With his rival, Cinna, taking control of Rome and all the ensuing political upheaval, an additional Roman army under Flaccus was sent to occupy Mithridates in Asia. Since Sulla had been earlier declared a public enemy to Rome due to his actions in marching on the city before his eastern campaign, Sulla was concerned over this new army's real destination. As it marched through Macedonia to meet with with an apparant objective to counter Mithridates, Sulla moved north to keep an eye on it.
Archelaus, meanwhile, was given time to gather strength and recruit a new army on the island of Euboea. Flaccus apparently had no intention of interfering with Sulla, but in the interim Archelaus crossed back into Boeotia, forcing Sulla moved to move south. Meeting at the town of Orchomenos Sulla's forces began to dig in defensively, but with little time to spare before Archelaus' arrival, they were unable to complete their preparations.
In another hard fought battle, the Romans again defeated Archelaus. This time though, the encounter was a complete victory, and Greece was completely at the whim of Sulla.
Mithridates had already lost two large forces in Greece, faced impending invasion by Flaccus, and was now also in the precarious position of putting down unrest in his recently conquered Asia. Despite their actions against the Roman citizenry there, the local towns were seemingly beginning to realize that they had made a huge mistake, and hoped that rebellion against Mithridates would win them leniency for their actions in the earlier mass killing of Roman citizens and allies.
Sulla's Roman Victory
In 86 BC, after Sulla's victory in Orchomenos, he initially spent some time re-establishing Roman authority. His legate soon arrived with the fleet he was sent to gather, and Sulla was ready to recapture lost Greek islands before crossing into Asia Minor.
The second Roman army under the command of Flaccus, meanwhile, moved through Macedonia and into Asia Minor. After the capture of Philippi, remaining Mithridatic forces crossed the Hellspont away from the Romans.
The Romans, under Flaccus' subordinate Gaius Flavius Fimbria, were encouraged to loot and create general havoc as they went, creating problems between Flaccus and Fimbria. Flaccus was a fairly strict disciplinarian, and the behavior of his lieutenant led to discord between the two.
At some point as this army crossed the Hellspont while giving chase to Mithridates' forces, Fimbria seems to have started a rebellion against Flaccus. While seemingly minor enough to not cause immediate repercussions in the field, Fimbria was relieved of his duty and ordered back to Rome. The return trip included a stop at the port city of Byzantium, however, and here Fimbria took command of the garrison, rather than continue home.
Flaccus, hearing of this, marched his army to Byzantium to put a stop to the rebellion, but walked right into his own undoing. The army preferred Fimbria (not surprising considering his leniency in regard to plunder) and a general revolt ensued. Flaccus attempted to flee, but was captured shortly after and the rightful Consular commander was executed. With Flaccus out of the way, Fimbria took complete command.
The following year, 85 BC, Fimbria took the fight to Mithridates while Sulla continued to operate on the Greek Islands of the Aegaeum. Fimbria quickly won a decisive victory over remaining Mithridatic forces and moved on the capital of Pergamum.
With all vestige of hope crumbling for Mithridates, he fled Pergamum to the coastal city of Pitane. Fimbria was in hot pursuit, laying siege to the town, but knowing he couldn't prevent Mithridates' escape by sea. Fimbria called upon Sulla's legate, Lucullus to bring his fleet around to block Mithridates in, but it seems that Sulla had other plans.
Sulla apparently had been in private negotiation with Mithridates to end the war. He wanted to develop easy terms and get the ordeal over as quickly as possible. The quicker it was dealt with, the faster he would be able to settle political matters in Rome.
With this in mind, Lucullus and his navy refused to help Fimbria, and Mithridates 'escaped' to Lesbos. Later at Dardanus, Sulla and Mithridates met personally to negotiate terms. With Fimbria re-establishing Roman hegemony over the cities of Asia Minor, Mithridates' position was completely untenable. Yet Sulla, with his eyes on Rome, offered uncharacteristically mild terms.
Mithridates was forced to give up all his conquests (which Sulla and Fimbria had already managed to take back by force), surrender any Roman prisoners, provide a 70 ship fleet to Sulla along with supplies, and pay a tribute of 2,000 to 3,000 gold talents. In exchange, Mithridates was able to keep his original kingdom and territory and regain his title of "friend of the Roman people."
For all intents and purposes, Sulla's settlement made it seem as if the war had never happened. He used his victory to gain supplies and money to seemingly finance his coming expedition back to Rome, while Mithridates suffered little for his actions.
It's still difficult to determine Sulla's exact mindset, however. There is evidence that he was still in some sort of loose contact with the Senate, despite his declaration as an enemy of the Roman state. Magistrates, especially ones favorable to Sulla, were still being elected in Rome and sent east to govern without interference.
Depsite Sulla's later claims, Rome under Cinna was relatively calm, and the full Senate seemed to participate in legislation and debate. Perhaps as long as Sulla had his legions, the Senate would not act, but it didn't really do anything to counter Sulla's command, even from an insubstantial legal standpoint.
But things in the east weren't yet settled. Fimbria was enjoying free reign in the province of Asia and led a cruel oppression of both those who were involved against Romans, and those who were now in support of Sulla.
Unable to leave a potentially dangerous army in his rear, Sulla crossed into Asia. He pursued Fimbria to his camp at Thyatira, where Fimbria was confident in his ability to repulse an attack.
Fimbria, however, soon found that his men wanted nothing to do with opposing Sulla and many deserted or refused to fight in the coming battle. Sensing all was lost, Fimbria surrendered by taking his own life, while his army went over to Sulla.
To ensure the loyalty of both Fimbria's troops and his own veterans - who weren't overly happy about the easy treatment of their enemy, Mithridates - Sulla now started to penalize the province of Asia. His veterans were scattered throughout the province and allowed to extort the wealth of local communities. Large fines were placed on the province for lost taxes during their rebellion and the cost of the war. With his army gaining their unorthodox method of 'plunder', it wouldn't be long before Sulla would make his next move.
As the year 84 BC rolled in, Cinna, still Consul in Rome, was faced with minor disturbances among Illyrian tribes. Perhaps in an attmept to gain experience for an army to act as a counter to Sulla's forces, or to show Sulla that the Senate also had some strength of its own, Cinna raised an army to deal with this Illyrian problem.
Conveniently, the source of the disturbance was located directly between Sulla and another march on Rome. Cinna pushed his men hard to move to position in Illyria, but forced marches through snow-covered mountains did little to endear Cinna to his army. A short time after departing Rome, Cinna was stoned to death by his own men, and history was about to take another fateful step.
Hearing of Cinna's death, and the ensuing power gap in Rome, Sulla gathered his forces and prepared for a second march on the capital.
Sulla's Civil War
As Cinna's death reverberated throughout the Roman world, Sulla realized his opportunity to take full advantage. In 83 BC, Sulla prepared his fve legions, and left the two originally under Fimbria to maintain peace in Asia Minor.
In the spring of that year, Sulla crossed the Adriatic with a large fleet from Patrae, near Corinth, to Brundisium and Tarentum in the heel of Italy. Landing uncontested, he was given ample opportunity to prepare for the coming war.
In Rome, the newly elected Consuls, Lucius Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus and Gaius Norbanus, levied and prepared armies of their own to stop Sulla and protect the Republican government. Norbanus marched first with the intention of blocking a Sullan advance at Canusium. Seriously defeated, Norbanus was forced to retreat to Capua. There was no respite; Sulla followed his defeated adversary and won another victory in a very short time.
Meanwhile, Asiagenus was also on the march south with an army of his own. Asiagenus or his army, however, seemed to have little motivation to fight. At the town of Teanum Sidicinum, Sulla and Asiagenus met face to face to negotiate and Asiagenus surrendered without a fight.
The army sent to stop Sulla wavered in the face of battle against experienced veterans, and certainly along with the prodding of Sulla's operatives, gave up the cause, going over to Sulla's side as a result.
Left without an army, Asiagenus had little choice but to cooperate, and later writings of Cicero suggest that the two men actually discussed many matters regarding Roman government and the Constitution.
Sulla let Asiagenus leave the camp, firmly believing him to be a supporter. He was possibly expected to deliver terms to the Senate, but immediately rescinded any thought of supporting Sulla upon being set free. Sulla later made it publicly known that not only would Asiagenus suffer for opposing him, but that any man who continued to oppose him after this betrayal would suffer bitter consequences.
With Sulla's three quick victories, the situation began to rapidly turn in his favor. Many of those in a position of power who had not yet taken a clear side now chose to support Sulla.
The first of these was Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, who governed Africa. The old enemy of Marius, and assuredly of Cinna as well, led an open revolt against the Marian forces in Africa.
Additional help came from Picenum and Spain. Two of the three future Triumvirs joined Sulla's cause in his bid to take control.
Marcus Licinius Crassus marched with an army from Spain, and would later play a pivotal role at the Battle of the Colline Gates.
The young son of Pompeius Strabo (the butcher of Asculum during the Social War), raised an army of his own from among his father's veterans and threw his lot in with Sulla. At the tender age of 23, and never having held a Senatorial office, Pompey forced himself into the political scene with an army at his back.
Regardless, the war would continue on with Asiagenus raising another army in defense. This time he moved after Pompey, but once again, his army abandoned him and went over to the enemy.
As a result, desperation followed in Rome as the year 83 BC came to a close. The Senate re-elected Cinna's old co-Consul, Papirius Carbo, to his third term, and Gaius Marius the Younger, the 26 year old son of the great general, to his first. Hoping to inspire Marian supporters throughout the Roman world, recruiting began in earnest among the Italian tribes who had always been loyal to Marius.
In additional counter measures (from an intimidation perspective) more bloodshed against possible Sullan supporters took place. The urban praetor Lucius Junius Brutus Damasippus led a slaughter of those Senators who seemed to lean towards the invading forces; yet one more incident of murder in a growing spiral of violence as a political tool in the late Republic.
As the campaign year of 82 BC opened, Carbo took his forces to the north to oppose Pompey, while Marius moved against Sulla in the south. Attempts to defeat Pompey failed and Metellus with his African forces, along with Pompey, secured northern Italy for Sulla. In the South, Marius gathered a large host of Samnites who assuredly would lose influence with the anti-popular Sulla in charge of Rome.
Marius met Sulla at Sacriportus and the two forces engaged in a long and desperate battle. In the end, many of Marius' men switched sides over to Sulla, and he had no choice but to retreat to Praeneste. Sulla followed the son of his arch-rival and laid siege to the town, leaving a subordinate in command. Sulla himself moved north to push Carbo, who had withdrawn to Etruria, to stand between Rome and the forces of Pompey and Metellus.
Indecisive battles were fought between Carbo and Sulla's forces, but Carbo knew that his cause was lost. News arrived of a defeat by Norbanus in Gaul, and that he also switched sides to Sulla. Carbo, caught between three enemy armies and with no hope of relief, fled to Africa.
It was not yet the end of the resistance, however. The remaining Marian forces gathered together and attempted several times to relieve Marius at Praeneste. A Samnite force under Pontius Telesinus joined in the relief effort, but the combined armies were still unable to break Sulla. Rather than continue trying to rescue Marius, Telesinus moved north towards Rome. Sulla raced after, not wanting to give up an opportunity to win the war and claim the ultimate prize right outside the gates.
On November 1 of 82 BC, the two forces met at what would become known as the Battle of the Colline Gate, just outside of Rome. The battle was a huge and desperate final struggle, with both sides certainly believing that only their own victory would save Rome.
Sulla was pushed hard on his left flank, with the situation so dangerous that he and his men were pushed right up against the city walls. Crassus' forces, fighting on Sulla's right however, managed to turn the opposition's flank and drive them back. The Samnites and the Marian forces were folded up and broke. In the end, over 50,000 Romans lost their lives, and Sulla stood alone as the master of Rome at the following sunrise.
In a meeting the following day, and while the execution of several thousand prisoners was taking place, Sulla addressed the Senate in the temple of Bellona. Here he began to lay out the law that would eventually re-shape Roman government, at least for a time, and show the Senate what Sulla's vengeance would mean.
Just as the proscription of his political enemies was about to begin, however, there were still matters to deal with outside of Rome. The siege of Marius in Praeneste continued, and Sulla needed to put an end to it to take final control.
The man recently responsible for the death of his supporters, Damasippus, was beheaded for a special purpose. In order to show Marius that Sulla now had Rome and was the victor, he had the head thrown into Praeneste as proof. It wasn't long before Marius realized that all was lost and ordered a slave to take his life.
All was still not over for Sulla, however. He unleashed the young Pompey (whom later was possibly dubbed Magnus "the Great", somewhat sarcastically by Sulla), on the countryside and any remaining opposition. By 81 BC, Pompey captured and executed Carbo and the son-in-law of Cinna, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus. He then brought Africa under the control of Sulla and the resistance was over. Sulla was now the undisputed ruler of Rome.
Sulla the Dictator
Sulla took control of Rome in late 82 and early 81 BC after victories in the civil war of his own making, and those of his chief legate Pompeius Magnus. With the army at his back, the Senate was forced to ignore the constitution and proclaim Sulla as Dictator of Rome for an indefinite period of time.
The Dictatorship, under constitutional law, was an office designed for extreme emergencies (generally military) with the intention of a 6 month term. Sulla not only butchered the constitution through various reforms he would make, but also focused his power on the leading members of the Roman ruling classes.
The new dictator introduced a judicial process called the proscription. Essentially, this new concept was an open publication listing names of people he deemed to be undesirable. A reign of terror ensued with rewards offered for the death or capture of any name on the list.
At first the proscriptions (including confiscation of property and not always involving physical harm) were mainly focused on Sulla's direct enemies and supporters, but eventually the death toll would reach epidemic proportions. In the first series alone, as many as 40 senators and 1,600 members of the equestrian class were murdered.
Before long, in order to exact extreme control, the list grew exponentially. There was simply no place to hide or run. People taking refuge in the temples were murdered; others were lynched by the Roman mob. An intricate network of spies kept Sulla informed and, at his whim, tracked down anyone who might be considered an enemy of the state.
One member of the proscription lists who managed to survive was Gaius Julius Caesar. The husband of Cinna's (Sulla' rival) daughter and the nephew of Gaius Marius, he was most assuredly a top candidate for death. He managed to escape Rome prior to capture, but a delegation of Caesar's supporters made an influence on Sulla. He allowed Caesar to live in exchange for divorcing his wife, but Caesar defiantly refused. Lucky to find himself alive at all, Sulla only confiscated his wife's dowry.
Sulla apparently was reluctant to let the ambitious young man live, commenting that he saw "many Mariuses" in his nature. For reasons not completely clear, Sulla did let Caesar live though, and his prediction was later proven quite true.
In the midst of instituting his own form of the constitution, Sulla's power grab did little to curb corruption. The payment of large bounties to bring in 'disloyal' Romans, and confiscation of properties, certainly enriched the treasury, but it also lined the pockets of many Sullan supporters. Among these were Marcus Crassus who, it was alleged, helped build his vast fortune through the proscriptions.
Others, like the young orator Marcus Tullius Cicero, made names for themselves in Sulla's courts. The cases were fast and furious, and Cicero began to elevate himself as the world's foremost lawyer and politician during Sulla's dictatorship.
Taking control through murder and confiscation, Sulla next focused on the laws of the state. He began his reform of the constitution in order to bring power back the Senate and away from the Tribunes. Oddly enough, after killing so many members of the senate, he became its champion. The powers of the tribunes, including veto rights, were virtually abolished. New legislation could not even be introduced without the approval of the Senate.
The number of senators was doubled to 600, placing powerful equestrians in the empty seats. This was more important than it may seem at first glance. As senators were limited to restrictive business opportunities, Equestrians filled the gap by running powerful business empires. By moving these equestrians into the Senate, and forcing similar restrictions on them, these leaders no longer found it practical to support the popular politics of the day (and largely in contrast to the conservative Senate group) that made their businesses more lucrative.
New entries into the Senate after Sulla's reforms were also required to serve in the traditional magistrate position of Quaestor before admittance into the Senate. Forcing senators to have some experience along the political path (or Cursus Honorum) to begin their careers also helped quell incredible and sudden rises to power by young, ambitious populares.
Additionally, he quelled this danger by introducing a law requiring at least a two year gap between holding an office and being elected for the next higher one. Also from this point on, office holders would be required to hold successive offices in the Cursus Honorum before being elected to the next higher one.
Tribunes were further penalized to prevent ambitious politicians from using the office as a political launching pad. As such, a law was passed that prevented any office holder of the Tribune of the Plebes from ever holding a higher political office in the mainstream Senatorial path (such as Consul).
The courts were also reformed, each court being assigned one of seven different types of cases. The seven types of cases were:
- Murder and poisoning
- Forgery
- Electoral bribery
- Peculation (theft)
- Assault
- Extortion
- Treason
The Senate was also required to sit all cases and the equestrian class was excluded from judging cases, clearly putting the control of the courts back into the hands of the traditional familial oligarchy that was the Senate.
Sulla didn't quite abide by his own constitutional law (waiting ten years between major magistracies) when, in 80 BC, he forced through his own election as Consul (his first was in 78 BC) and continued his policies of reform (including the settling of his veterans on confiscated lands).
By the next year though, Sulla had either tired of the political life, or felt that he accomplished all that he could. In 79 BC, he retired to a country villa, with the intention of writing his memoirs.
Before he left Rome, however, Sulla confirmed long standing rumors about his own sexual behavior to a shocked audience. He announced that Metrobius, a famous actor, had been his lifetime lover. As he left Rome, he was accompanied by a large contingent of actors, dancers and prostitutes in a final act of disdain.
His memoirs, which he would finish over the next year, while they have not survived, did prove a valuable resource to later Roman writers (Plutarch and Appian in particular). Sulla died shortly after, in 78 BC, opening the Roman political system to a new and even more dangerous wave of power grabs.
Sulla's Death and the Decline of the Roman Republic
After the death of Sulla in 78 BC, additional and expected power grabs were the result. Unpopular while he was still alive, Sulla's reforms went under immediate attack without fear of reprisal. Political turmoil was once again the order of the day, and various personalities emerged from the restraints of Sulla's power.
Among these leading men were his former supporters such as Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Quintus Lutatius Catulus and Marcus Licinius Crassus. Other men who opposed Sulla, such as Sertorius in Spain, figured prominently as well.
Two men, however, rose above them all. Marcus Tullius Cicero rose to prominence by becoming arguably the most gifted orator and lawyer (along with respectable political skills) in the history of the world, while another, Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, stood above them all as the leading military personality before Caesar.
Catulus and Lepidus were elected Consuls for 78 BC, and both men were staunch Sulla supporters. At first it seemed that they would maintain the status quo regarding the constitutional reforms. This was not to be the case, however, at least as it pertained to Lepidus. Almost immediately after Sulla's death, Lepidus strongly opposed the reforms and began working to overturn them, and the two Consuls maintained an unhealthy animosity towards each other.
Lepidus supported the reinstatement of Tribunal powers, as well as several other anti-Sullan moves. Among his proposals was a new grain law benefiting the populous, the restoration of exiles and confiscated properties, cancellation of land grants to Sulla's supporters and various acts introduced by Sulla during the civil war. All of these concepts, while popular with the masses, were opposed by Catulus and the hard line optimates.
Within a year, the matter devolved into civil war once again. Lepidus, who had been given Cisalpine Gaul as his pro-Consular province, had a strong and loyal clientele base there already. He used his popular agenda to ignite a revolt in Etruria (a heavily victimized area of Sulla's land grants) and gathered many of Sulla's enemies to his cause. At Faesulae in 78 BC, Lepidus' supporters attacked a colony of Sullan settlers and the Senate was forced to act. The senatus consultum ultimum was passed once again, charging Catulus with suppressing Lepidus.
As Lepidus began to gather strength in Etruria for an impending march on Rome, Catulus commissioned Pompey with attacking Lepidus' power base in Gaul. Pompey moved north to face Lepidus' legate Brutus, and the issue was quickly resolved. Brutus was likely betrayed by his own army and given over to Pompey without a fight. Pompey, as he often did while serving Sulla, had Brutus killed for his involvement.
When news reached Lepidus he knew his cause, or perhaps his support, was lost, and he gave up plans for marching on Rome. He fled to Sardinia with his forces, where he died shortly after of natural causes.
This was not the end of the affair, however. While the situation in Italy was under control, Marcus Perperna Veiento, a Lepidus' supporter, took what remained of the forces in Sardinia to Spain. There, he joined with the rebellion of Sertorius, who had been there in opposition to Sulla for several years already.
Did you know...
The Praetor Urbanus (urban praetor) was an important judge involving any cases with citizens. He also exercised the functions of the consuls in their absence from Rome.
Did you know...
Mithridates was so paranoid about being poisoned (perhaps because he killed so many that way himself), that he poisoned himself with small doses over many years, building his immunity. (This won't work today due to much more complex and lethal poisons.)
Did you know...
Boeotia had always a significant political importance, owing to its position on the north shore of the Gulf of Corinth, extending westwards between Thessaly and Peloponnesus to the Isthmus of Corinth; the strategic strength of its frontiers; and the ease of communication within its extensive area.
Did you know...
Byzantium was founded by a colony of ancient Greeks on the European side of the Bosporus, midway between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Byzantium was a natural transit point between Europe and Asia Minor and refounded as the "new Rome" by the emperor Constantine in AD 330, it was endowed by him with the name Constantinople.
Did you know...
Lucius Cornelius Cinna, a member of the Roman patrician family of the gens Cornelia, was the father in law of Julius Caesar.
Did you know...
There were actually several different types of dictatorate. The most famous type is the dictator rei gerendae causa, who was appointed in times of military emergency for six months or for the duration of the emergency, whichever period was shorter.
Did you know...
Cisalpine Gaul was, after Sicily and Corsica, the third province of the Roman Empire and was merged into Italia in 42 BC, as part of Octavian's 'Italicisation' program during the Second Triumvirat.
